The 14 June 2018
report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has
given rise to fears about the situation of human rights in India, particularly
in the state of J&K. The report undermines the United Nations-led consensus
on zero tolerance against terrorism and fails to see the actions taken by India
in this context. Some of the issues highlighted in the report and the factual
position are as follows.
Para
44:
Section 7 of the AFSPA gives security forces virtual immunity against
prosecution for any human rights violation; further in the nearly 28 years that
the law has been in force, not a single prosecution of armed forces personnel has
been granted by the Central Government. Sanctions have been accorded in a few
cases.
The
law under which military personnel may be prosecuted in India is more stringent
than those in a large number of democracies.
Para
45:
Section 4 of the AFSPA allows army
personnel to use lethal force not only in self-defence but also against any
person contravening laws or orders “prohibiting the assembly of five or more
persons”, and this contravenes several international standards on the use of
force and related principles of proportionality and necessity.
Such
powers have been granted to the armed forces in Australia, Belgium, the UK, the
USA and elsewhere. In India, the instructions issued to
military commanders are explicit and comprehensive. They provide that in case
commanders decide to open fire, they must: (a) give warning in the local
language that the fire will be effective; (b) attract attention before firing
by bugle or other means; (c) control fire by issuing personal orders on both
the ‘number of rounds’ to be fired and the ‘object to be aimed’ at;
(d) cease firing immediately once the object has been attained; (e) take
immediate steps to secure the wounded; and (f) ensure a high standard of
discipline. These
rules of engagement have approval of the Supreme Court.
Para
47:
In 2005, the government had appointed a committee to review the AFSPA. The
committee reported that the AFSPA had become “a symbol of oppression, an object
of hate and an instrument of discrimination and high-handedness”.
The
findings of the committee have been selectively quoted in the UN report, which failed
to mention other parts of the report:“...though
an overwhelming majority of the citizen groups and individuals pleaded for the
repeal of the Act, they were firmly of the view at the same time that the Army
should remain to fight the insurgents.”
Para
47:
A committee established by the Central Government in 2012 to review laws
against sexual violence, recommended that the AFSPA be amended so that cases of
sexual violence by members of the armed forces could be brought under the
purview of ordinary criminal law.
Though
the recommendation of the committee was outside its mandate, the 2013 amendment
to the India Penal Code provides that if a
member of the armed forces commits rape in a deployed area, he shall be awarded
a minimum punishment of RI for 10 years, which may be extended to imprisonment
for life, and shall also be liable to fine.
Para
52:
There are slight variations in the justice systems governing each of the
central police forces (CPF) and that “to some degree the processes are less
defined, providing for greater ambiguity in the administration of justice
within these security forces”.
The
legal system of the CPF is well defined and contained in Acts and Rules. There
is no ambiguity in the system.
Para
54: The
Indian authorities have insisted that allegations of human rights violations by
the security forces are appropriately handled by the military justice system.
However, according to the Special Rapporteur on Independence of Judges and
Lawyers, military courts do not meet international fair trial standards and
thus are not suitable to try offences committed against civilians.
This
is a general comment applicable to military legal systems the world over and
not exclusively to the Indian military justice system.
Para
55:
In July 2017, the Armed Forces Tribunal suspended the life sentences and granted
bail to five Indian Army personnel who had been convicted by a court-martial
for extrajudicial killings. According to report, the Tribunal’s decision has
not been made public.
The
Armed Forces Tribunal is a judicial body, functioning independently under the
supervision of the Supreme Court. The action of the Tribunal is within the
power granted to it under Section 15 of the Act.
Para
72:
The report mentions the Army Chief’s warning to protesters that “tough action” would
be taken against anyone intervening in security operations.
However,
it does not mention the social and developmental activities undertaken by the
armed forces in J&K in the last few decades.
There
is no doubt that the non-state armed groups (NSAGs) in J&K have committed a
range of crimes, including kidnappings, killing of civilians and sexual
violence. There is ample evidence to show that these NSAGs have been trained
and armed by Pakistan. However, the UN report fails to take cognizance of this.
Para
29 of the report states that since it was not possible to directly verify
allegations, the findings were arrived at using a “reasonable grounds” standard
of proof. One does not expect a report by a UN body to rely on allegations that
are not supported by evidence.
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