Wednesday, June 10, 2020

Civil-Military Relations in the Age of Trump


President Trump threatened to deploy the military against U.S. citizens last week. Previous posts here noted the wide-spread condemnation President Trump’s threat received, and the argument military members should engage in “disciplined disobedience” to orders they believe harmful to the United States. These developments show the modern erosion of civil-military relations has accelerated under President Trump. We are in unprecedented times, when serious voices call for disobeying lawful orders, and multiple former high-ranking military members are calling the president a threat to democracy.

That is not to say these voices don't have a point. President Trump has repeatedly signaled he does not respect the traditional norms on civil-military relations. While running to be commander-in-chief, he denigrated war heroes who did not show sufficient fealty to him. Once elected, he undermined the political neutrality of troops, signing campaign hats and attacking political opponents by name on a military installation. His “request for a grand military parade in Washington was widely viewed as a political stunt.” In a mission he authorized, he blamed military leaders for the death of a servicemember. The White House also ordered a Navy destroyer named after a political rival to have its named obscured in order to remain out of President Trump’s sight, an action he refused to repudiate.

And then last week, the chief federal law enforcement officer ordered peaceful protestors to be dispersed with tear gas, while the top military member stood by in his combat uniform. The dispersal of protestors appears to have been a political calculation orchestrated by the president, who wanted to project strength after reports he earlier hid in a bunker. After that incident, General Milley faced wide-spread criticism for wearing his combat uniform to the White House, then patrolling the streets in in those same OCPs. Stars and Stripes reported General Mattis finally condemned President Trump in his Atlantic article, due to Defense Secretary Esper’s and General Milley’s roles in participating in this display of power. 

Serving a president who does not respect the constitutional order, and sees all things from the selfish perspective of his own profit and power, puts pressure on military and civilian alike. That pressure can lead to lapses in judgement, as one balances professional and personal ethics against rash but lawful orders. But the lawfulness of the orders cannot be ignored. The president has the authority under the Insurrection Act to deploy U.S. active duty troops domestically, using his own judgement to determine when that deployment is necessary. The failure for him to exercise sound judgement is a political problem, and expecting those in the chain-of-command to countermand his orders opens up too many long-term problems.  

It appears that active duty troops did not deploy to American streets June 1 because of Secretary of Defense Esper’s and General Milley’s resistance. It is unclear how much of that was the give-and-take of a healthy superior/subordinate relationship, or how much it was a refusal to carry out a lawful order. But on June 3,  Secretary Esper publicly broke with the president, announcing his opposition to invoking the Insurrection Act. There were also reports that General Mattis, while the Secretary of Defense, simply refused to carry out certain of the president’s orders. Is this disciplined disobedience less problematic because it is civilians ignoring the president? This defiance still sends mixed signals to the troops on the sacrosanctity of lawful orders and the chain-of-command.   

To put it another way, the short-term success in avoiding the military’s use in domestic law enforcement last week suggests serious problems for the future. The military will have extreme difficulty staying apolitical if there is an expectation that individual members decide the U.S.’s best interests before obeying facially lawful orders. As noted above, General Mattis is not the only high profile former military member to argue President Trump poses a threat to democracy. One can only hope this unprecedented outcry from former military members wakes up the members and elites of the president’s political party. But even if it won’t, as almost nothing over the last four years has, we must look for political solutions, and not expect the military to save our democracy. For such an expectation from the military is a recipe to destroy our current democratic order, with a military no longer subordinate to civilian control.

Military personnel couped up

Turkish authorities have ordered the arrest of 414 people, mostly members of the armed forces, for alleged links to Fethullah Gülen’s network, which Ankara accuses of orchestrating the failed 2016 coup against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Militaire reported.

Turkish authorities are conducting a systematic campaign to remove all elements that are anti-Erdoğan from state institutions following the 2016 coup that killed 250 people.

So reports (interstingly) Greek City Times.

Retired flag and general officers' free speech

Lt. Col. Daniel Maurer
West Point's prolific Lt. Col. Daniel Maurer has written an engaging Just Security essay on "The Generals' Constitution." Excerpt:
[The] norm [of "stoic regard for lawful civilian orders even into retirement years"] has been more the exception than the rule since President Trump took office, with former generals and admirals very publicly criticizing his policy choices as commander-in-chief, his temperament, and even raising alarms of a constitutional enemy on the horizon. Senior generals and admirals remaining on Active Duty may feel duty-bound to work within the system quietly but professionally, rather than resign in protest. They also have professional incentives to remain silent unless facing a manifestly illegal order. Even if speaking out ostensibly as a concerned fellow citizen, the public may take cues about military issues from senior leaders but often laypersons don’t sufficiently distinguish between comments offered by retired flag officers and those currently in charge (each conflated with “the military’s perspective”). What’s more, some retired senior leaders feel compelled to speak as a sort of proxy or surrogate, when the nature of the “threat” is more ambiguous.
Lt. Col. Maurer concludes with nine worthwhile questions for further discussion. Here's one:
Are there meaningful differences between comments made by retired officers signing only for themselves and comments made in a jointly-signed comment or opinion? On June 5, 89 former defense officials (including four former secretaries of defense) signed an open letter. Of the signatories, only 13 were retired flag officers. Only two of the 13 were from the Reserves or National Guard; only five of the 13 were of the 3- or 4-star rank. All were from the Army or Air Force. Also on June 8, over 500 former defense, diplomatic, and intelligence officials signed an open letter, only 33 of whom are retired generals or admirals (5 of whom were of the 3-star rank, and there were no 4-star generals or admirals). Moreover, 55 retired flag officers signed a different letter, calling for “votes for change in November,” that focused on the erosion of the public’s trust in the military, stressed that the military is to be “above the partisan fray,” and condemned the use of the military to “undermine the constitutional rights of peaceful protestors.” 

Tuesday, June 9, 2020

Comments policy

Dear LadyinRed,

Thank you for your recent comment concerning CAAFlog 2.0. The policy of Global Military Justice Reform is not to post comments that are anonymous or pseudonymous. The Editor encourages you to resubmit your comment using your real name.

Speak no evil?

General James N. Mattis
U.S. Marine Corps (Ret)
Article 88 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice criminalizes officers' contemptuous speech about, among others, the President. Article 2(a)(4) in turn subjects to the UCMJ retired regulars who are entitled to pay. (Never mind whether Art. 2(a)(4) is constitutional. Disclosure: the Editor is co-counsel in a pending case that challenges the exercise of court-martial jurisdiction over an enlisted retiree.) A number of retired senior officers have spoken out recently about President Donald J. Trump, using harsh words, some of which fall within Art. 88. Against that backdrop, consider this tough National Review Online essay by Victor Hanson Davis. He writes:
In such a polarized climate, it seems reasonable to wish that even well-meaning retired generals would at least [1] avoid incendiary comparisons of the president to America’s former Nazi or Fascist enemies.

They could [2] eschew factual inaccuracies.

They might [3] resist veiled hints about resisting or bypassing supposed alleged traitors in the White House.

And they should not [4] coordinate their efforts in an ominous manner that could undermine the often tenuous civilian and military balance at the core of our constitutional system.

But that modicum of restraint was apparently asking too much in these times of bitter factionalism, rank partisanship, and social chaos.
(Bracketed numbering added.) Which of the four numbered points is well-taken? Any? All?