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Sunday, April 27, 2025

What can a military union do?

That is the question before South Africa's Supreme Court of Appeal in a case that is now under submission. Details can be found here. Excerpt:

Earlier the high court held in favour of Sandu [the South African National Defence Union] on all the issues.

These include the banning of demonstrations, presenting of petitions and a military union's right to affiliate to a union federations, and those preventing unions representing members during grievances and disciplinary proceedings.

Co-counsel for Sandu, Matthew Chaskalson, submitted these were among the core functions of a union.

Chaskalson submitted that whatever threat to discipline the defence force might see in regard to affiliation, as the defence force contended, was not well founded.

"It's not justifiable to ban this."

On Tuesday, questions on the justification of a "powerful body within the military outside of military command" was also raised by the bench in relation to affiliation.

Concerns related to conflict of interest by soldiers when they were called by the President for duty during civil unrest situations, which could be supported by other trade federations.

Saturday, April 26, 2025

Russian Military Court Sends Russian General To Penal Colony

Ah, strange bedfellows indeed. You know times are indeed "interesting" when a Russian ultranationalist pro-war blogger with three million followers laments Russia's lack of rule of law -- not because of war crimes committed by Russian service members in Ukraine; not due to Russia's violation of the United Nation's Charter in its unlawful war of aggression; and not due to the myriad disappearances and murders that the Russian State has been alleged to have orchestrated over the years.

Nope, this Russian ultranationalist finally misses the good 'ole rule of law because his favorite Russian general has just been sentenced to five years in a Russian penal colony by a Russian military court (hence the nexus to this Global Military Justice Reform site). This general's conviction on corruption charges, per this article, appears to be  retaliation for his criticism of the top Russian brass (and/or perhap his popularity amongst his troops threatens those in power). 

May this case be a reminder that ALL military courts -- by definition those  part of a military justice system under the command and control of the military organization they are nested within, such as in the United States, which operates military courts unworthy of U.S. service members due to the system's lack of independence -- are uniquely susceptible (and frankly, seemingly prone) to transformation to vehicles of persecution instead of legitimate prosecution. 


Thursday, April 24, 2025

Government brief in opposition to certiorari in "short-martial" case

The Solicitor General's brief in opposition to the petition for certiorari in Wheeler v. United States, No. 24-678, can be found here.

Betting here in the glass-enclosed newsroom high above Global Military Justice Reform Plaza is that the Supreme Court will grant certiorari--and affirm.

Tuesday, April 22, 2025

Uganda SITREP

LegalBrief has assembled a useful collection of pieces about Uganda's constitutional drisis, arising from government resistance to the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Kabaziguruka.

Monday, April 21, 2025

Hide and seek at Charlottesville

George Orwell

The following appears on the home page for the U.S. Army's Military Law Review:

In alignment with Department of Defense (DoD) Instruction 5400.17 and recent Executive Orders issued by the President, the U.S. Army has reviewed and adjusted its digital content to ensure compliance with DoD policies and priorities.

As a result, certain articles and images have been removed or are in a process of being removed or modified to maintain consistency with federal guidance and uphold the integrity of our official communication channels. Content will be archived in accordance with DA PAM 25–403.

The U.S. Army remains committed to transparency, professionalism, and adherence to DoD directives while continuing to engage with our community in a manner that reflects our core values.

Sunday, April 20, 2025

Complaint filed with East African Court of Justice

The complaint, concerning Uganda's use of military courts to try civilians, Besigye v. Att'y Gen. of Uganda, can be found here

The court's website is currently unavailable.

Saturday, April 19, 2025

Amnesty International statement on Uganda's struggle over military courts

Amnesty International has issued this statement (originally an Al Jazeera op-ed) on Uganda's government's resistance to the decision of the Supreme Court on the use of military courts to try civilians. It's about suppressing dissent. Excerpt:

Following the court order and widespread outcry, Besigye and Lutale were transferred to a civilian court on February 21. Besigye called off his hunger strike. They remain in detention, as does their lawyer. However, their transfer without release, in a process begun by an illegality, remains flawed. Despite the transfer of their case, scores of more civilians have their cases still pending before military courts, with little hope that they will be transferred to civilian courts.

For this reason, 11 groups including Amnesty Kenya, the Pan-African Lawyers Union, the Law Society of Kenya, the Kenya Human Rights Commission and Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists, and Dentists Union (KMPDU) call for their immediate release.

As Uganda approaches elections, it is evident that the military courts are now a tool in President Museveni’s shed for use to silence dissent. It is time for Uganda to heed the Supreme Court ruling – for now though, military justice is on trial, too.

Meanwhile, a High Court judge has released on bail a civilian who had been in detention for 1500 days pending trial in the country's court-martial on a murder charge. Details here.

Friday, April 18, 2025

Sorry, he's too busy

Have you noticed the Supreme Court of Pakistan's leisurely pace in The Military Courts Case? Consider this exchange from yesterday (from this Dawn report):

During the hearing, the bench sought clarity on the provision of the right to appeal for those convicted by military courts for their alleged involvement in the May 9 violent protests.

In response, Additional Attorney General (AAG) Chaudhry Aamir Rehman informed the court that Attorney General for Pakistan (AGP) Mansoor Usman Awan was still busy deliberating with stakeholders, which might take another couple of days.

At this, Justice Jamal Khan Mandokhail expressed displeasure over the delay, questioning why such a straightforward issue was not being promptly addressed. Justice Musarrat Hilali also remarked that the AGP only needed to seek instructions and inform the bench of the government’s stance on the right to appeal.

Dunya News has quotes:

Justice Mandokhail asked about the AG’s stance and whereabouts.

The additional attorney general replied that the attorney general would need two to three more days.

Justice Mandokhail expressed frustration, saying, “What kind of joke is this? Why are you unnecessarily delaying the case? Is there no intention of completing it?” Justice Hilali added, “The attorney general himself had said he would only need ten minutes—it was just about discussing the right to appeal.”

Aamir Rehman stated that the attorney general appeared only on court orders, and otherwise, Haris represented the federation.

Justice Mandokhail then questioned, “If the attorney general has already delegated his right to Khawaja Haris, why should we even listen to him?”

With that, the SC adjourned the hearing until tomorrow.

Thursday, April 17, 2025

A really strange lawsuit in Uganda

"Now I've seen everything." Consider this report from Kampala, in the aftermath of the Supreme Court's Kabaziguruka decision. An attorney is seeking a judicial order preventing Parliament from debating a pending bill that would permit the trial of civilians by court-martial. The bill is surely unconstitutional, but blocking debate?

Busy court-martial docket in Russian Federation

The Russian Federation's military court docket has been busy, judging by these numbers. Excerpt:

Russia's garrison military courts issued 13,699 criminal convictions against service members in 2024, the highest figure since at least 2010, independent media outlet Verstka reported on April 15, citing official data from the Supreme Court's judicial department.

The surge in convictions in 2024 marks a 76% year-over-year increase, reflecting growing internal discipline issues within Russia's Armed Forces during the country's ongoing full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

In 2023, military courts issued 7,779 verdicts, while 2022 saw 4,191 convictions. Data provided by Verstka dated back to 2010, when the record stood at 8,632.

Ex-Military Nursing Officers are “ex-servicemen”: Supreme Court of India

The Supreme Court of India has held that Military Nursing Service (MNS) officers cannot be denied “ex-serviceman” (“ESM”/veteran) status for re-employment.

A released Short Service Commissioned officer of the MNS, Captain Gurpreet Kaur, had cleared the examination for the Punjab Civil Services in 2021 under the ESM category reservation but her candidature was rejected on the ground that she was not an “ESM”. Aggrieved, she had approached the High Court wherein she pointed out that the MNS was an “Armed Force of the Union” under the statute and the Rules covered Short Service Officers released on completion of terms of engagement with gratuity under the definition of ESM.

The High Court had finally held that MNS is an “Armed Force of the Union” and Punja
b ESM Rules recognise all armed forces officers released on completion of terms with a gratuity as ESM. The State was directed by the High Court to appoint her in civil service with notional seniority.

The High Court judgment was however challenged in the Supreme Court of India.

The top court has dismissed the appeal and upheld the right of MNS officers to be treated as ESM. The Supreme Court has also held that the MNS is an integral part of the military and the Armed Forces.

The MNS is the only all-woman branch of the Armed Forces.

More on the case can be seen at the website of The Tribune.

Wednesday, April 16, 2025

The conundrum of judicial accountability and independence in military courts from a comparative perspective (book chapter)

Coming soon: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003557852-15/conundrum-judicial-accountability-independence-military-courts-comparative-perspective-arianna-vedaschi-micol-ferrario?context=ubx

From the abstract on the publisher's website:

The judicial accountability and independence of military courts have always been hugely debated, especially insofar as they frequently have links with other powers (mainly the Executive) and are often composed of the military personnel. Through the lens of comparative constitutional law, this chapter explores whether, and to what extent, these issues characterise the military justice systems of major advanced Western democracies. Through the analysis of the Italian case study, the chapter suggests some bolsters that could be introduced in the existing models to ensure that military courts – which are called to adjudicate very complex and sensitive issues – comply with the basic principles of the Judiciary that must characterise all the legal systems based on the rule of law.

Tuesday, April 15, 2025

Uganda: defiance of Supreme Court decision

The government of Uganda is moving forward with a bill that could unravel the recent decision of the Supreme Court barring military trials of civilians. Opponents say they will fight such a measure "every step of the way."

Sunday, April 13, 2025

Israeli reservists and retired officers sign letter of protest over conduct of Gaza War

The New York Times reports that hundreds of Israeli Air Force reservists and retirees signed a letter protesting the conduct of the war in Gaza. 

Signatories include a former chief of staff and former senior military leaders. 

The Israeli prime minister's office rebuked the statement, saying it weakens the country while at war. Reservists who signed the letter while of active duty would be relieved. 

The letter urges that Israel's renewed war effort in Gaza following a creaky ceasefire endangers Israeli hostages, and that all efforts to protect the hostages, including ending current bombardments, should be employed. 

This is an unusually large display of dissent that lays bare the current tension between the Israeli military and political leadership.

Saturday, April 12, 2025

New Zealand Defence Force and COVID-19 Policy

On Friday 11 April 2025, the Supreme Court of New Zealand (SCNZ), New Zealand's apex court, handed down its judgment in Chief of Defence Force v Four Members of the Armed Forces, 2025 NZSC 34 [CDF v Four Members].  The judgment concerned an appeal of a judicial review of elements of the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) policy on compulsory vaccination against COVID-19. 

A summary commentary was offered by the "The Post", a metropolitan newspaper published in New Zealand's capital, Wellington: "Defence Force wins vaccine battle in Supreme Court".

Notwithstanding that the global pandemic subsided many months ago, this judgment remains pertinent for a variety of reasons, particularly for countries that share an Anglo Common Law tradition combined with the unique Crown-soldier relationship found in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.  (And the relevance extends beyond the fact that those four countries spell "defence" correctly.)

As a Canadian, this judgment is particularly informative in light of the similarities that can be drawn not only between the legal regimes of Canada and New Zealand, but also in how COVID-19 vaccination policies were promulgated in the armed forces of those two nations.  Unlike what transpired in New Zealand, litigation concerning the COVID-19 vaccination policies in the Canadian Forces (CF) did not reach our apex court (or even the Federal Court of Appeal).

In Canada, although there were attempts to challenge the CF's policy regarding vaccination against COVID-19, the notable examples consisted principally of premature attempts to challenge the policy before the applicants had exhausted the CF grievance process (Neri v Canada, 2021 FC 1443) and an attempt to bring an action on behalf of 330 claimants (but which was manifestly not a class action) that suffered from multiple shortcomings (Qualizza v Canada, 2024 FC 1801).  

There were multiple grievances brought by CF members under circumstances similar to what arose in New Zealand.  Initially, these Canadian grievances benefitted from generally favourable 'Findings and Recommendations' (F&R) from the Military Grievances External Review Committee (MGERC).  However, it appears that the Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS) in Canada largely rejected these F&R.  Unlike in New Zealand, members of the CF did not raise these matters in litigation that reached the appellate level.

Consequently, the judgment in CDF v Four Members is illustrative of what may have arisen in Canada, had select personnel brought the matter before the Federal Court and successive appellate courts. 

The trajectory of this case is also noteworthy.  On first instance, the results of the judicial review before the High Court favoured the Crown.  Churchman J held that that the purpose of the various instruments establishing the vaccination requirement was to maintain the operational efficacy of the Armed Forces in New Zealand by limiting the spread of COVID-19.  That objective was sufficiently important to justify a limitation on the rights to refuse medical treatment and to manifest religion and belief.

Although the New Zealand High Court drew conclusions comparable to similar judgments in Canada, the Court of Appeal reversed that decision.  Although the Court of Appeal accepted that there was sufficient justification for the limits on the rights protected by ss 11 and 15 of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act [NZBORA] arising from the COVID-19 vaccination being placed in the baseline schedule for vaccinations, it found that the CDF had not demonstrated sufficient justification for adopting the policies described in the relevant Temporary Defence Force Order (TDFO) and related policy instruments.

The Court of Appeal did not find that the whole of the TDFO was invalid.  The appeal had been argued at a level of generality which meant it could not identify specific parts which were valid. It also recognised that time had moved on and other regulatory settings had changed. For that reason the Court directed that the CDF reconsider the TDFO in light of its judgment.

The Court of Appeal faulted the CDF for failing to consider alternative means of addressing the need to maintain the efficacy of the Armed Forces during the pandemic.  The Court of Appeal placed significant weight on evidence that the United Kingdom had adopted a less restrictive approach for its Armed Forces and held that the incremental limits imposed by the TDFO had not been justified. 

The Court of Appeal concluded that the TDFO had not been shown to be a reasonable limit on the rights of the Armed Forces members who had challenged the policy.  The litigation was brought under the NZBORA, and the Court of Appeal had to consider the appropriate remedy.  The Court concluded that the specific policy provisions, standing alone, would likely not raise any concerns under the NZBORA.  The Court also recognised that events had moved on since the TDFO was issued in May 2022.  It concluded that a review of the TDFO was timely, if not overdue.  The Court did not set the TDFO aside but ordered that it be reconsidered in light of the Court’s judgment, reasoning that it would be wrong “to engage in an inappropriately granular way with the performance by the CDF of his responsibilities in relation to the Armed Forces”.  In the meantime, an interim order was made to protect the respondents pending the review.

On further appeal, the SCNZ held that the Court of Appeal failed to afford the CDF sufficient deference (or margin of appreciation) regarding the (temporary) policies implemented to address a global pandemic.  Again, what is noteworthy in this case from a Canadian perspective, is the extent to which the SCNZ relies upon Canadian jurisprudence both in the interpretation of the NZBORA and regarding principles of deference in public and administrative law.

The SCNZ observed that, when reviewing legislation for proportionality and for consistency with protected rights under s 5 of the NZBORA, New Zealand courts usually adopt the structured methodology developed by the Supreme Court of Canada in R v Oakes, [1986] 1 SCR 103 and subsequent cases.  Similarly, when examining deference to statutory decision-makers, the SCNZ relied upon Canadian jurisprudence, including Dunsmuir v New Brunswick, 2008 SCC 9, in addition to domestic judgments and, as in Canada, permitted a relatively healthy margin of appreciation to military decision-makers "... with respect to operational effectiveness and military discipline ...", holding that the "... CDF is the decision-maker appointed under the legislation and likely to be in a much better position than the court to evaluate the relevant considerations."

Though speculative, I suggest that, had CF members sought judicial review of decisions by the Chief of the Defence Staff in Canada, in considering and determining grievances relating to the CF's COVID-19 vaccination policies, the results would likely have been comparable to CDF v Four Members.

This judgment merits review by practitioners who are concerned with statutory decision-making relating to the Crown-soldier relationship in Anglo Common Law jurisdiction, particularly within the context of the deference afforded to such decision-makers and the functionality of judicial review.

Friday, April 11, 2025

The Pakistan Democracy Act

From Friday Times,

The Pakistan Democracy Act was recently introduced in the United States Congress. On the face of it, the bill appears to be a human rights measure. In substance, it is a political document. It attempts to single out Pakistan on the pretext of democratic backsliding and human rights violations. Such bills are not uncommon in U.S. foreign policy practice. But this one comes at a very sensitive time in Pakistan’s constitutional history.

The Supreme Court of Pakistan is currently hearing a set of petitions challenging the trial of civilians through court-martial under the Pakistan Army Act, 1952. This issue has emerged in the aftermath of the events of May 9, 2023, when political protests turned violent. Some protesters stormed and damaged properties associated with the Pakistan Army, including the residence of the Corps Commander in Lahore. The federal government and military authorities have sought to try these civilians by way of court-martial.

The matter before the Supreme Court is of foundational importance. It is not about whether the country is in a state of war or peace. Nor is it about the general legality of the court-martial system. The real question is whether, under the Constitution of Pakistan, civilians involved in acts of political protest—even if violent—can be deprived of their right to a fair and public trial before the ordinary courts of law.

There is no ambiguity in the facts. The individuals being prosecuted are not armed militants or enemy combatants. They are political workers and supporters of an opposition political party. The demonstration, even if it turned disorderly, was political in nature. The attack on the Corps Commander’s residence, though unjustifiable, was not an act against a military installation in the operational or strategic sense. It was not an act of sabotage against a functioning military base. The locations targeted were symbolic representations of military power, not military targets in the conventional legal sense.The idea that such actions justify court-martial is deeply problematic. International human rights law imposes clear restrictions on the use of military justice systems against civilians. Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Pakistan is a signatory, guarantees the right to a fair trial before a competent, independent, and impartial tribunal established by law. The UN Human Rights Committee has repeatedly held that court-martial of civilians is not permissible unless strictly required and narrowly limited, such as in situations of armed conflict or direct military engagement.

Thursday, April 10, 2025

Another day, another hearing

The Supreme Court of Pakistan is still at it in the Military Courts Case, judging by this report from Dawn. Excerpt:

Justice Hilali remarked during today’s hearing, “How can you talk about fair and transparent trials, [when] decisions are made in military courts under the shade of Kalashnikovs. What problem will arise if the government gives civilians the right to appeal?”

JAGs under fire

The role and independence of the various U.S. JAG Corps are front and center. Here are two timely Lawfare reads:

From Dan Maurer

https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/congress-must-protect-the-role-of-jags-in-the-military

And from Sarah Elaine Harrison:

https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/a--sweeping-overhaul--of-the-jag-corps-poses-likely-dangers

and in a lighter vein (as well as off-topic) from Salon, this from The Editor:

https://www.salon.com/2025/04/06/one-small-part-of-pete-hegseths-wardrobe-is-a-big-tell/

Tuesday, April 8, 2025

An inside view of Italian Military Justice

Report Difesa has a lengthy interview with Filippo Verrone (at left), President of the Military Court of Naples and of the National Association of Military Magistrates. Here's an excerpt (Google imperfect translation):

President Verrone, how has the military judiciary changed since the time of military service to today. Has there also been a change in the crimes that were committed before compared to those of today?

Of course, yes. The crimes that were linked to the obligation of military service are no longer there, such as desertion. But there are others.

Our activity is numerically smaller than in the past. Today it has become a numerically smaller job in terms of the number of crimes but qualitatively much more complex both for the type of crimes committed and for all the other aspects, even non-criminal, of an investigation of a conviction, since public employees are involved. Everything must be carefully examined because the work and career progression of the soldier is also at stake.

For this reason there has been a recent legislative intervention: the non-suspension of the soldier from work except by the first degree conviction.

Precisely because a criminal trial for a soldier is something that leaves a mark!

And so from here arises, in my opinion, the need for a special jurisdiction that not only knows the mechanisms of this particular activity, but above all that reaches a decision within a reasonable time.

Will this case never end?

Dawn reports here on yet another day of meandering discussion in Pakistan's Military Courts Case. Excerpt:

The counsel touched upon the status of court martial and explained that the military courts did not fall under Article 175(3) of the constitution that asks for the separation of judiciary from the executive. He argued that the military courts established under the PAA were not subordinate to any high court and therefore did not come under the domain of Article 175(3) of the Constitution.

When Justice Mandokhail asked if the military courts did not come under Article 175(3), then under which constitutional provision would they fall especially when Article 175 exclusively talks about the judiciary.

The Constitutional Bench resumed the hearing today. 

Sunday, April 6, 2025

Nevada National Guard

Each (U.S.) state National Guard has some form of military justice statute. The Codes vary from state to state (some states have adopted the ABA Model Code). Enforcement can differ. For example, Delaware conducts a court-martial within the Guard, whereas West Virginia prosecutes "UCMJ" violations in civilian court.

You can find out more specifics per state at NIMJ's "State Codes."

A general review suggests many state UCMJs are out of date. There have been several major changes to the UCMJ over the last five years and the state legislatures haven't caught up.

Nevada National Guard members have fewer legal protections than civilians, most other states’ Guard members, and members of national military branches such as the Army and Air Force.

The right to demand a court-martial instead of accepting certain administrative punishments was taken out of state law in 2019 at the urging of the Nevada National Guard, just four years after it held the opposite position.
. . .

"Currently, Nevada is one of only a few states where National Guard members lack the right to demand a court-martial," Wagar said. "This lack of due process undermines the principles of justice and erodes trust in the military justice system."

 From the Reno Gazette Journal.

Most interesting is the cost estimate for adopting the right to refuse Article 15 punishment, which ranges from zero to $1.2 million for just three courts-martial.

Gray said this shows that the Nevada National Guard’s official estimate to the Legislature of three court-martials a year costing about $1.2 million does not stand up to scrutiny because it’s extremely rare for a military service member to ever request one.

Gray shared a letter he received Wednesday from Maj. Gen. David Baldwin, who has led the California National Guard since 2011. Baldwin wrote that during his more than 40 years in the Guard, he’s been involved with hundreds and possibly thousands of cases where the accused had the option to turn down a nonjudicial punishment in favor of a court-martial — and only one ever did.

We suspect (partly on our own experiences advising servicemembers) that the number of Article 15 turndowns in the active duty force is similarly few.